خطاب مفتوح الى شرين العبادى والاقليات open letter to Sherin Abadi


New York Times Open Lette

نشرت النيويورك تايمز خطابا مفتوح موجه من   45 شخصية فريدة من الحائزين على جوائز نوبل فى المجالات المختلفة الى السيدة شيرين العبادى المحامية الايرانية والحائزة على جائزة نوبل للسلام والمدافعة الجسورة عن حقوق البهائيين بايران واليكم نص الرسالة

The following Open Letter was published on a full-page
in the Mon 3 Aug 2009 issue of the New York Times.

http://www.eliewieselfoundation.org/inthenews.aspx
____________________________________________________________

IRAN OPEN LETTER:
AN OPEN LETTER

To Shirin Ebadi
and to All the dissidents —
the brave men and women of Iran:

Do not feel abandoned.
Do not lose hope.
The world knows that its physical and spiritual survival is linked to yours.
We, the undersigned Nobel Laureates, strongly condemn the flagrant human rights violations in the wake of the recent presidential election in Iran.
We deplore the violent and oppressive tactics the current regime is using to dissuade protestors from expressing their right to free speech. Your election was shamelessly tampered with and your human rights disregarded. We are outraged by your government’s denial of basic liberties to its people, such as detaining large groups of professors, students and innocent civilians, and denying proper funeral services to victims of its violence. These events, and the decision to ban all international media from covering these events, are blatant violations of the democratic principles your government claims to uphold.
We are well aware that throughout the long and glorious history of the Iranian civilization, your ancestors have often stood firmly against both interference from without and repression from within. Today, once again, you are fighting for a just cause.
We urge President Obama and the world’s political leadership to support, with all means at their disposal, the people of Iran, who deserve to have their votes counted, their voices heard, and their dignity respected.

Richard Axel, Nobel Prize, Medicine (2004)
Baruj Benacerraf, Nobel Prize, Medicine (1980)
Paul Berg, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1980)
Günter Blobel, Nobel Prize, Medicine (1999)
Mario R. Capecchi, Nobel Prize, Medicine (2007)
Aaron Ciechanover, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (2004)
Stanley Cohen, Nobel Prize, Medicine (1986)
ClaudeCohen-Tannoudji, Nobel Prize, Physics (1997)
Elias James Corey, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1990)
Robert F. Curl Jr., Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1996)
John B. Fenn, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (2002)
Edmond H. Fischer, Nobel Prize, Medicine (1992)
Jerome I. Friedman, Nobel Prize, Physics (1990)
Donald A. Glaser, Nobel Prize, Physics (1960)
Sheldon Glashow, Nobel Prize, Physics (1979)
David J. Gross, Nobel Prize, Physics (2004)
Roger Guillemin, Nobel Prize, Medicine (1977)
Leland H. Hartwell, Nobel Prize, Medicine (2001)
Dudley R. Herschbach, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1986)
Avram Hershko, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (2004)
Roald Hoffman, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1981)
Tim Hunt, Nobel Prize, Medicine (2001)
Daniel Kahneman, Nobel Prize, Economics (2002)
Eric R. Kandel, Nobel Prize, Medicine (2000)
William S. Knowles, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (2001)
Roger D. Kornberg, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (2006)
Harold W. Kroto, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1996)
Finn E. Kydland, Nobel Prize, Economics (2004)
Eric S. Maskin, Nobel Prize, Economics (2007)
John Mather, Nobel Prize, Physics (2006)
Craig C. Mello, Nobel Prize, Medicine (2006)
Marshall W. Nirenberg, Nobel Prize, Medicine (1968)
George A. Olah, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1994)
John C. Polanyi, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1986)
Stanley Prusiner, Nobel Prize, Medicine (1997)
Robert C. Richardson, Nobel Prize, Physics (1996)
Richard J. Roberts, Nobel Prize, Medicine (1993)
Heinrich Rohrer, Nobel Prize, Physics (1986)
Jens C.Skou, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1997)
Hamilton O. Smith, Nobel Prize, Medicine (1978)
Wole Soyinka, Nobel Prize, Literature (1986)
Joseph H. Taylor Jr., Nobel Prize, Physics (1993)
Bishop Desmond Tutu, Nobel Prize, Peace (1984)
Betty Williams, Nobel Prize, Peace (1976)
Elie Wiesel
Nobel Prize, Peace ( 1986)

TAMIL PEOPLE STATEMENT:
Wherever minorities are being persecuted we must raise our voices to protest. According to reliable sources, the Tamil people are being disenfranchised and victimized by the Sri Lanka authorities. This injustice must stop. The Tamil people must be allowed to live in peace and flourish in their homeland.
– Elie Wiesel, June 30th 2009

BUCHENWALD VISIT:
On June 5th, Elie Wiesel joined President Barack Obama and German Chancellor Angela Merkel at Buchenwald Concentration Camp in Weimar, Germany.
It is estimated that 56,000 people died at Buchenwald before its liberation in 1945. Professor Wiesel was imprisoned there, and his father was among those who perished.
“I’ve never traveled to one of the concentration camps, but this one has a personal connection to me,” President Obama said in a news conference. “It’s not only that I know Elie Wiesel and have read about his writings, it’s also that – and I’ve stated this before – that my grandfather’s – my grandmother’s brother was one – was part of the units that first liberated the camp.”
After touring the camp grounds and laying flowers on a memorial, each took a few moments to address the crowd. Professor Wiesel addressed an earlier speech by President Obama, where he urged a peaceful resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
“In those times, it was human to be inhuman,” he said. “And now the world has learned, I hope. And of course this hope includes so many of what now would be your vision for the future, Mr. President. A sense of security for Israel, a sense of security for its neighbors, to bring peace in that place.
“The time must come. It’s enough – enough to go to cemeteries, enough to weep for oceans. It’s enough. There must come a moment – a moment of bringing people together.”
For a complete transcript of Professor Wiesel’s speech, see below:
“Mr. President, Chancellor Merkel, Bertrand, ladies and gentlemen. As I came here today it was actually a way of coming and visit my father’s grave — but he had no grave. His grave is somewhere in the sky. This has become in those years the largest cemetery of the Jewish people.

The day he died was one of the darkest in my life. He became sick, weak, and I was there. I was there when he suffered. I was there when he asked for help, for water. I was there to receive his last words. But I was not there when he called for me, although we were in the same block; he on the upper bed and I on the lower bed. He called my name, and I was too afraid to move. All of us were. And then he died. I was there, but I was not there.

And I thought one day I will come back and speak to him, and tell him of the world that has become mine. I speak to him of times in which memory has become a sacred duty of all people of good will — in America, where I live, or in Europe or in Germany, where you, Chancellor Merkel, are a leader with great courage and moral aspirations.

What can I tell him that the world has learned? I am not so sure. Mr. President, we have such high hopes for you because you, with your moral vision of history, will be able and compelled to change this world into a better place, where people will stop waging war — every war is absurd and meaningless; where people will stop hating one another; where people will hate the otherness of the other rather than respect it.

But the world hasn’t learned. When I was liberated in 1945, April 11, by the American army, somehow many of us were convinced that at least one lesson will have been learned — that never again will there be war; that hatred is not an option, that racism is stupid; and the will to conquer other people’s minds or territories or aspirations, that will is meaningless.

I was so hopeful. Paradoxically, I was so hopeful then. Many of us were, although we had the right to give up on humanity, to give up on culture, to give up on education, to give up on the possibility of living one’s life with dignity in a world that has no place for dignity.
We rejected that possibility and we said, no, we must continue believing in a future, because the world has learned. But again, the world hasn’t. Had the world learned, there would have been no Cambodia and no Rwanda and no Darfur and no Bosnia.

Will the world ever learn? I think that is why Buchenwald is so important — as important, of course, but differently as Auschwitz. It’s important because here the large — the big camp was a kind of international community. People came there from all horizons — political, economic, culture. The first globalization essay, experiment, were made in Buchenwald. And all that was meant to diminish the humanity of human beings.

You spoke of humanity, Mr. President. Woe unto us, in those times, it was human to be inhuman. And now the world has learned, I hope. And of course this hope includes so many of what now would be your vision for the future, Mr. President. A sense of security for Israel, a sense of security for its neighbors, to bring peace in that place. The time must come. It’s enough — enough to go to cemeteries, enough to weep for oceans. It’s enough. There must come a moment — a moment of bringing people together.

And therefore we say anyone who comes here should go back with that resolution. Memory must bring people together rather than set them apart. Memories here not to sow anger in our hearts, but on the contrary, a sense of solidarity that all those who need us. What else can we do except invoke that memory so that people everywhere who say the 21st century is a century of new beginnings, filled with promise and infinite hope, and at times profound gratitude to all those who believe in our task, which is to improve the human condition.

A great man, Camus, wrote at the end of his marvelous novel, The Plague: “After all,” he said, “after the tragedy, nevertheless…there is more in the human being to celebrate than to denigrate.” Even that can be found as truth — painful as it is — in Buchenwald.

Thank you, Mr. President, for allowing me to come back to my father’s grave, which is still in my heart.”

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